Maskew Miller Longman, with the help of two prestigious isiXhosa writers and scholars, W.
Bennie 13 and J. Jolobe, had reissued the dictionary in and then, in , revised it in the new orthography required by the apartheid state that basically went back to the previous orthography which had been abolished as recently as the s. Incidentally, all the orthographies now in use for local languages were made official by the apartheid state. Therefore, in one ludicrous case, the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa have had different orthographies to write the exact same language, Sesotho, since Even though both orthographies do not differ very much from each other, one can imagine the effect of such practices in a publishing market that is both restricted and grossly under-funded.
Resilience of African language materials It turns out that the dictionary was never updated, expanded or substantially revised after or, in terms of orthography only, after The consequences are glaringly obvious as one leafs through it. Take the entry iOrlam, for instance, that refers to the member of a South African group of colonial origin.
That the same definition should find its way into the edition of the dictionary issued by a prestigious publisher, deep into the second decade of the post-apartheid era, is a very poignant reminder of both official and general indifference to African languages in the current dispensation. That the book is widely distributed and can be found in all the larger bookshops for instance, those belonging to the Exclusive Books chain , and is also used in schools in fact, it seems to be the most widely used Xhosa—English dictionary in the country, universities included , is a sign both of the sore need for African language materials — to the point that old, authoritative-looking materials whose copyright has long expired are eagerly reissued without as much as a second look — and the subalternising practices to which African languages, not to mention their speakers, have been subjected since colonial times.
Coffin General Electric Company, — Other Events with gaps. Van Rensburg, J. Includes the copyright certificate. Carlisle St.
Moreover, what is even more impressive is that this has been done without anybody apparently ever taking notice of the fact. There is a sore need for isiXhosa dictionaries. The only dictionary widely found in bookshops is in fact an English—Xhosa Dictionary that is obviously meant for Xhosa learners of English a further indication of the prevailing language hierarchies in the country: Fisher et al. The impressive looking, three-volume and three-language — isiXhosa, English, and Afrikaans dictionary of the official isiXhosa National Lexicography Unit, is very comprehensive, but is unfortunately beyond the purse of even middle-class buyers each volume costs R — Tshabe, Pahl, and Mini — See also Nyembezi Nor is this an isolated example.
The dictionary was first issued in and, very obviously, never revised, even though it was reprinted no fewer than six times in little more than four decades. A good deal of them frequently employ example sentences, for instance, that refer the learner back to colonial relations of subordination as well as to an indigenous, rurally based, traditional, non-modern, African culture. To some extent, it certainly is. However, as some of the example sentences and sentences used in translation exercises a favourite kind of exercise in this type of material that possibly also harks back to Latin manuals 20 repeatedly show, there is much more at stake as there is something much worse at play here: the materials also refer the reader back, as I hope to show below, to a culture of colonial origin of authoritarianism and servitude.
Doke, for instance, provides the learner with ethnographic-sounding examples to illustrate his grammatical points that are perhaps fundamental to the genre. They are also quite sophisticated in comparison to what a good deal of other language materials seem to offer, including, as we shall see, those of a much more recent vintage. Furthermore, as difficult to follow as his explanations of intricate points of isiZulu grammar often are, his analytical mind seems brilliant, and his skill in illustrating grammar points through sentences and phrases has a definite literary quality to it.
It is difficult nowadays to imagine the teaching of isiZulu, or any isiZulu-related research, without reporting back to his grammar and his other work on the language. For instance, his lexicographical work, together with B.
In this way, he may have left a deep and lasting imprint on the way the language is explicated and taught. Nonetheless, it is more than faintly peculiar to be reading, in the post-apartheid era, a sentence such as Asimthetho wasesilungwini, even though this was still published in the last years of the apartheid era. The Oshikwanyama Dictionary Tobias and Turvey  , even though first published in , is in fact related to an earlier, German lexicographical work, first published in It is therefore worth perusing them further. In Teach Yourself Zulu, a prestigious international language manual with audio material available in South African bookshops , first published in and therefore in the post-apartheid era, the second lesson features an interview between a madam and someone who is presumably a maid who knows other maids Wilkes and Nkosi  The madam who has just come to South Africa from England is looking for house help.
She inquires whether Gertrude — the prospective maid about whom they are talking — can cook, whether she likes children and can speak both English and Afrikaans interestingly, the maid says that Gertrude can speak English, but her Afrikaans is not good. The dialogues are far from uninteresting they are introduced in the audio material by a lady with a shrill voice and what I take to be a Zulu accent : unfortunately, much of the grammar in them, as I soon discovered, is left for the learner to figure out on his or her own — say, by flicking through the pages of the textbook looking for the relevant grammatical explanations further on.
Therefore, within each lesson, the learner has to take what is presented more or less on faith. The authoritativeness of the manual is in this way reflected both in the dialogues and in the obvious expectation that the learner will gobble up whatever is offered more or less uncritically however, I did not, and that caused me to drop the manual altogether as figuring out the grammar in the dialogues proved to be too time-consuming and frustrating.
This kind of learning dialogue is far from common in language materials related to other say, European languages; a quick perusal of other materials in the Teach Yourself series related to Dutch, and Spanish, for example, clearly demonstrates this. In fact, the dialogues mark the subalternity of isiZulu to the white supposedly foreign and English learner right away: it is the language of prospective maids, female street vendors and petrol-pump attendants.
The dialogue with the female street vendor is particularly entertaining: I can hardly imagine a madam shopping in the streets of Johannesburg or Durban, for instance, instead of shopping inside a protected supermarket with guards, an armed response unit on standby and camera surveillance. The dialogue reveals therefore an almost idyllic imagined world of African street markets and African market women offering fresh produce to the local madam — that street scene could have been set perhaps anywhere in Africa, had it not been in isiZulu and had mention not been made of the South African currency, namely, the rand also, it could be set at any point in time, for it clearly harks back to a representation of a timeless world of African rurality and marketing.
Whilst things improve a little further on — in another lesson, for instance, the English couple comes to a birthday party — the first couple of dialogues certainly set the tone for the learner.
Fanagalo and isiZulu In fact, if we try to look at Fanagalo, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Afrikaans, and English in a connected way, we discern the contours of a much more complex picture. It has unsurprisingly remained understudied compared to other languages. As far as I know, no great name such as Doke has studied it.
Nor has the post-apartheid South African state to my knowledge ever considered making Fanagalo an official language. I believe that hardly any specific meta-language has been developed to describe it, differently to what happened in the case of isiZulu, and language materials seem therefore to be much scarcer than for other languages.
Fanagalo in fact deserves a much more detailed discussion than the limits of this article allow for. These histories are not confined to specific languages or national boundaries, and therefore their full exploration requires a multilingual, translinguistic approach.
In this sense, the language of authoritarianism and servitude that virtually oozes out of the African language materials briefly examined here is as much a part of the history of English and other European languages as it is of African languages themselves, Fanagalo included. In this approach, African language materials are a window open towards horizons that are neither quintessentially African, as Doke and others seem to have believed, nor necessarily of a strictly linguistic nature only.
This article is a much-reduced and modified version of a chapter in my book manuscript, The Creole Nation: Languages and the Making of South Africa tentative title. I owe a debt of gratitude to Marianne Corrigan in England for her invaluable editorial help. I have never taken a thorough inventory of African language materials. I doubt any such inventory exists.
The materials I mention are however usually neither obscure nor unrepresentative of what has been historically available in the field. Mncube n.
Unsurprisingly, the book contains a foreword by none other than Doke himself, praising the author and the book. On pages 9 and 10 there are drawings of the inner mouth to show the exact tongue position for the three basic clicks. Due to his importance in the creation of a field of African linguistics and languages in South Africa, Doke deserves a far more comprehensive and nuanced study than this article can hope to offer.
What follows below is therefore necessarily tentative and sketchy at best, especially as far as Doke and his work are concerned. Partly because of its use under the apartheid state, it is now a derogatory term no longer in use in South Africa, though it remains in use — in linguistics in particular — both in Francophone and Lusophone African academia.
In Afrikaans universities, ethnology applied to whites was called volkskunde to be distinguished from volkekunde. This distinction is no longer in use. It is impossible to believe that it has not affected or influenced Afrikaans universities. He provides isiXhosa translations for as many as grammatical and, as it turns out, also literary English-language terms.
His booklet is meant for Xhosa teachers. Needless to say that, as the career of people such as Jolobe or, for isiZulu, C. Jolobe is a Xhosa scholar and his job was not revising the dictionary a task accomplished by Bennie back in but setting it in the New Standard Orthography in This was the last time, as far as I know, that anyone made any changes to the dictionary. It is also sold by Van Schaik in Rondebosch who mainly provide materials used in courses taught at the University of Cape Town.
Use ombala lit. Doke employs it to indicate long vowels. It is therefore a didactic tool. Both authors — Rev. Turvey and Bishop G. This learning software uses video interactively, and is a far cry from any traditional materials; even the grammar does not seem as daunting as it is made to seem in most traditional manuals. Though there is a shortage of drill exercises for grammar, the methods are usually of a very high quality, featuring life-like dialogues and situations.
The South African state should pay the company — or other similar companies — to make a variety of language materials in all the languages of South Africa, perhaps even including English and Afrikaans. There certainly is a sore need in the country for materials that are largely free from the subalternising tone of traditional African language methods.
Mesthrie, — Cape Town: Cambridge University Press. African Voices. Speak Xhosa with Us: Beginners to Advanced. Cape Town: African Voices. Speak Zulu with Us: Intermediate to Advanced. Bold, J. Johannesburg: Central News Agency. Later editions: and Phrase-book, Grammar, Dictionary.
Pretoria: Van Schaik.
Doke, C. Textbook of Zulu Grammar. Sixth edition, 10th impression. Supplement to v. Taylor, — Alice: Lovedale Institution Press. Bantu Studies VII: 1— Tobias and B. Doke ; no. No date. In Mncube, F. Xhosa Manual.
Johannesburg: Juta almost certainly early to mids. Trekking in South Central Africa, — South African Baptist Historical Society: no place of publication. Malcolm, J. Sikana, and B.
English—Zulu, Zulu—English Dictionary. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press first combined edition from Zulu—English Dictionary.
Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Dube, J. Marianhill: Marianhill Mission Press. Engelbrecht, J. They seized a large number of modern, breech-loading rifles destined for the local militia. The little band then started a series of raids against upper class land owners. The band often showed up to plunder in the early evening and, posting a guard, would politely dine with their hosts before taking the goods.
In one incident, the band was ambushed by the local militia. When the band counterattacked, the militia fled. They left both safes open and empty on the main street of Lumberton. In the midst of the wedding feast, the local militia invaded and Lowry was taken prisoner. However, he soon escaped from jail, enhancing the legend of his invincibility. Among local people, particularly Indians, Lowry was seen as a a shape-changer; a culture hero who could not only change his own shape, as legends and contemporary accounts illustrate, but who changed the shape of a whole people.
The Lowry War ended in when Henry Berry Lowry disappeared and what was left of his group disbanded. Other rumors had him accidently shooting himself with the implication that no one else had the power to kill him. One of the tangible legacies of the Lowry War was official acknowledgement that the Lumbee were Indians. Southern culture was-and still is-biracial: it sees only two races, white and black.
Therefore, North Carolinians preferred to regard the conflict as an Indian War and its protagonists as Native. After we ordered our waitress came up and asked if I was ndn, we were used to the question because we wore our hair long and mine was in braids.
I looked over and lined up along the wall by the kitchen was about a dozen or so cooks and waitstaff all dressed in fake Mexican garb and smiling and waving at us. I got up and strolled over to shake their hands and introduce myself. They were pretty amazed at our hair and some of the women even reached out and touched my braids.